Why government should separate financing of education in order to allow poor families access quality education
On Sunday, I attended a global education forum in Dubai. Sheik
Mohammed Maktoum, the ruler of Dubai, and President Paul Kagame of
Rwanda were there as well as former presidents, Bill Clinton (USA),
Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair
and education ministers of several countries and cities. The main
challenges were: how do we increase access to education? Is this
possible without compromising quality? How can education be made
affordable? What curriculum can best prepare students to face the
challenges of modern life; like employment? What should be the role of
governments, the private sector, parents, churches, and citizens in
increasing access to education and improving its quality?
I have been involved in education for most of my life through
observing my father’s obsessive interest in it. He spent a large part of
his life helping in building schools, churches, and clinics. He looked
at education as a tool for liberating society from the hold of tradition
and its many accompanying superstitions. But my father also believed
that the greatest education a child can have is not at school but at
home; and is best organised by the parent, not teachers. For most of my
primary and secondary education, I spent less than 20% of my time on the
official school curriculum. The 80% was spent on reading books at home –
reading ancient and contemporary philosophy, literature and history.
This is not to say that my father thought teachers are not important.
Far from that; he believed in teachers. He was constantly encouraging
his many relatives whose fees he paid to join teacher-training colleges
or to study education at university. He personally educated tens of
students through teacher training colleges and four of my siblings
became teachers as well. However, what I learnt is that a teacher’s
contribution to a child’s education is secondary; the parent’s primary.
The problem in poor countries is that many parents are illiterate and
therefore have little formal education to impart on their children
although they play a big role in imparting values.
States and the governments that preside over them are not generic.
They vary greatly in terms of the institutional capacities, the
motivations of incumbents, and in the way they relate to the societies
around them. These differences mean that the world cannot develop one
blueprint for education in all countries. The experience of successful
nations cannot offer solutions, only lessons. The success of any
education project will be a product of understanding local conditions.
I have argued before that the very specific/peculiar way the
democratic process has evolved in Uganda has been injurious to the
public good. In order to win votes, candidates have promised big things –
like Universal Primary Education (UPE) and Universal Secondary
Education (USE). But such promises, made in the heat of the campaign,
have not been backed by technical considerations regarding the impact of
a huge influx of students in schools without teachers, desks, books,
and classrooms. The result in Uganda was increased access with rapidly
declining quality. Again, I am not against access even if the cost is
decline in quality. But the precipitous decline of education quality in
public schools in Uganda has led to devastating consequences that limit
the benefits of access. How?
The decline in the quality of education in public schools led to the
exodus of well off parents to private schools. This was made possible
because the liberalisation of education allowed entrepreneurial teachers
and other businesspersons to open private schools in large numbers.
Today, 40% of students in primary and 70% in secondary and over 90% in
university are in private education institutions. The exodus of the well
off parents from public schools meant that this sector lost its most
articulate and influential parents, thereby robbing it of voice.
This means that those who sit in the councils of state to decide
public policy on education are not adversely affected by the tragic
consequences of public schools. Conversely, those who remained in public
schools are children of the least articulate sections of our society
without much voice in the councils of state. None of our ministers,
permanent secretaries, members of parliament, directors of government
bodies, top civil servants, businesspersons, civil society leaders etc.
send their children to public schools – UPE and USE. The problems of
public education in Uganda are therefore of an academic, not personal
nature to the leaders of our country.
Consequently, children from poor families whom access was meant to
help are the ones who are getting a bad education that cannot take them
anywhere except keep them in perpetual poverty. Again a caveat: I have
met many youths who have even completed masters degrees abroad who have
told me that without UPE they would not have gone to school. One of them
has written two books copies of which he has given me to take to
President Yoweri Museveni, thanking him for UPE. Therefore, all has not
been lost.
But there is need to reform the way education is financed and
delivered in Uganda to give access meaning. At the conference, Tony
Blair made an interesting observation. He said that before he took
office, he thought that if a prime minister wanted some reforms
implemented, he would order government and it would be done. When he
became prime minister, he realised that most people in government
(especially the civil service) have a vested interest in the status quo,
not reform. Reform is very difficult to organise, Blair reasoned,
because those tasked to carry it out are the ones who resist it.
Yet more than self-interest as the source of resistance to reform,
the bigger constraint is mindset. There is a widespread belief that to
finance education, the government must provide it as well. But as the
experience of Uganda shows, the private sector can run schools where the
government has withdrawn from owning schools, especially in urban
centers.
What the government needs to do then, is to give coupons to poor
parents to choose which private schools to send their children so that
they can get the same quality of education as kids from well-off
parents. Government should run schools only in those areas where the
private sector is absent. This would allow the state to develop better
inspection capacities to ensure that private schools meet set standards.
amwenda@independent.co.ug
Sunday, March 22, 2015
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1 comment:
Very well propounded, Andrew. I always enjoy your candid submissions. I'd be glad to know, however, how best you believe the coupon system may be safe-guarded against the ill of corruption, including, but not limited to 'rich' parents taking advantage of the poors' lack of knowledge, power and influence to get these coupons for themselves instead. And mightn't some irresponsible, poor parents sell off their children's coupons to willing buyers and spend the money on what they consider 'priorities'? A hard-earned lesson in Africa is that the rich man with a vast flock will not hesitate to take even the poor-man's one sheep.
How best, Andrew, can the system be rolled out, with full practical consideration ...?
Asante.
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