How economic success has tended to create more political
trouble for Museveni than comfort
Very many Ugandans are angry, very angry. They feel the
country has lost direction. They argue that our politics is corrupted, our
democracy in retreat, and elections are rigged. They say the economy is not
growing, poverty is increasing, inequality is widening, and state capacity to
deliver public goods and services has been grossly eroded. Yet the opposite is
the case on almost all these issues. Uganda is more democratic today than ever
before and elections are increasingly freer and fairer. The country is making
massive and unprecedented investments in infrastructure that will give it
future productivity gains. Yet when you cite evidence of all these, critics
retort that the numbers are cooked.
It is not only people who in the opposition that are angry.
Many people high in the government – ministers, ruling party MPs, top civil
servants, leading business persons, prelates, intellectuals and even members of
the First Family including President Yoweri Museveni and the First Lady, Janet
Museveni, make these criticisms. For example, in her autobiography, `My Life’s
Journey’, Mrs. Museveni, criticises rampant corruption, inefficiency, and
incompetence in the government.
In meetings I have attended with the President and
government officials, Museveni always expresses frustration with the public
sector’s inability to perform its functions. Even in some of his public
speeches he sounds more like an opposition politician than an incumbent
president. Therefore, disillusionment with the status quo is a widely shared
sentiment across Uganda’s political spectrum. Recently, a top public official
told me that I have lost my journalistic quality of being critical and keeping
government on its toes. He said that these days I sound like a government
spokesperson.
Indeed, I have been involved in battles with many people in
large part because I previously used to hold these doomsday feelings and
articulate them myself. Over the years, I have increasingly moved away from
relying largely on my feelings to comment on public affairs towards greater
reliance on statistical data, empirical evidence, historical reflection and
comparative studies to understand Uganda and explain it to my readers, viewers,
and listeners. For that, many people accuse me of having been bribed by
Museveni. I am still waiting for my cheque!
But let me digress a bit to some kind of mini autobiography.
I am inherently suspicious of majoritarian views and, therefore, I am always
inclined to be more skeptical about what is the most popular and widely
accepted version of things. I have rarely found myself on the side of the majority
on any issue – whether it is corruption being an impediment to growth or
foreign direct investment being a solution to our development predicament or
the greatness of Barack Obama or the need for foreign aid to cure poverty.
This skepticism of the popular demands must have
consolidated in me as a child when I read the story of Jesus Christ. In the
Bible he is presented as a virtuous person, seeking to save the world. Then I
would read and reread the chants of the majority shouting: “Crucify Him, Crucify
Him.” When I was ten, I read about the ancient Greek philosopher, Socrates, who
suffered a similar fate as Jesus. Plato presents him in virtuous terms – as the
noblest and best human being that ever lived. Socrates always questioned common
assumptions and certainties, a factor that irritated many Athenians and led
that city’s democratic assembly to sentence him to death. This turned my
dislike for majority positions into scorn.
Now let me revert to the subject of popular anger in Uganda;
although it is understandable, it is not grounded in reality. One needs to read
Samuel Huntington’s classic, `Political Order in Changing Societies’, to
understand the dynamics behind Uganda’s political temperature today. Before
Huntington, conventional wisdom in political science circles had always held
that the poorer people are, the more they are likely to be politically
disgruntled. Therefore, policy makers believed that governments should promote
economic growth in order to achieve better economic security for citizens,
which would lead to stability.
Using statistical evidence, Huntington turned this argument
on its head. He argued that as the economy grows, it tends to produce many new
social forces that seek to become more politically active (political
participation) in ways that impact on government. According to Huntington,
economic growth leads first to heightened inequality (an argument originally
made by the Nobel laureate in economics, Simon Kuznets). Yet economic growth
also stimulates social mobility for many people, which leads to heightened
expectations that cannot be met at an early stage.
Heightened inequality in the context of overgrown yet
“unrealisable” expectations causes social frustrations. This leads many people
to seek political participation. Yet for Huntington, weakly institutionalised
polities are easily overwhelmed by these new groups which enter politics
(participate) on their own terms. This gives rise to praetorianism in which
“the wealthy bribe, the students riot, the workers strike, mobs demonstrate and
the military stage coups.”
I recently visited my former school, Mbarara High, and found
many cars parked outside the administration block. When I walked into the staff
room, I asked teachers which event was being held at the school. They said none
and asked me why? I said there are many cars outside; so who are these
visitors? They told me all those are teachers’ cars. In fact one teacher joked
saying: “if you don’t own a car you cannot teach here”. Now I was at Mbarara
High from 1989 to 1991 and not a single teacher, not even the headmaster, owned
a car. The richest teachers used to ride bicycles.
There is a lot of evidence to show that Uganda enjoyed
unprecedented economic growth and that this is widely shared. In fact Uganda
has one of the best Gini Coeffecients in Africa at 0.395. The Gini measures
income distribution where zero is perfect equality and one is perfect
inequality. The only democracy in Africa with a better Gini than Uganda is
Malawi. Uganda has a better Gini than Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Benin, Senegal,
Kenya, South Africa, etc.
It seems to me that Uganda is suffering from the Huntington
problem where rapid growth has produced many new social forces with overblown
expectations that far exceed the ability of the economy to satisfy them.
Ugandans are angry, not because Museveni has failed but because he has been
very successful. Therefore, if the anger against him causes Museveni to be
defeated in an election, it would not be a tragedy of excess but a tragedy of
contradiction.
****
amwenda@independent.co.ug
****
editor@independent.co.ug
editor@independent.co.ug
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